Sen. John. Fetterman, D-Penn., has broken from and criticized his own party so often over the past year that in May, he felt compelled to write an op-ed in The Washington Post clarifying that he had “no plans to leave” the Democrats. He said he valued being an independent voice within the caucus and that he believed he’d be “a terrible Republican.”
But in an interview Thursday with NBC News, Fetterman appeared to change his tune. He laid out for the first time a specific reason he would leave the party: Israel policy.
“If they put that in our platform — no aid for Israel — and officially become the anti-Israel party, then yeah, that’s a red line for me,” Fetterman said. “Democrats, we always should support Israel [sic], that’s our special ally, you know? … In the only democracy in the entire region, that’s Israel. So I’m always proud to stand with Israel.”
Fetterman’s warning foreshadows a tectonic shift on the electoral left — and a positive one.
Fetterman did not say whether he would become an independent or join the Republican Party if he were to leave. But his departure from the party in order to support Israel would still be a remarkable development for a politician who was once widely — and, in my opinion, misguidedly — hailed as an exciting exemplar of populist progressivism. His threat of an exit also reflects how quickly the Democratic Party is reorienting on Israel policy, and growing less hospitable to those who advocate for backing the country’s government unconditionally.
There’s been no indication that the Democratic Party plans to add cutting off aid to Israel as part of its platform. In 2024, even as the genocide in Gaza was fracturing the party’s base — even sending some disgruntled Democrats to vote for Trump — the Democratic Party platform aligned with President Joe Biden’s backing of Israel and stated it “strongly supports Israel in the fight against Hamas.”
But the party is changing. More than 100 House Democrats — nearly half the caucus — voted to cut off aid to Israel on Wednesday. Most strikingly, Rep. Nancy Pelosi of California, a former Speaker of the House, voted in support of the bill. That vote is what prompted Fetterman to voice a “long-term concern” that the party may “turn their back to Israel” and spur him to leave.
Come 2028, it is not out of the realm of possibility that the dominant opinion among Democratic presidential candidates is that Israel should be cut off from U.S. aid. And depending on who the nominee is, that position could end up in the party’s official platform. But there’s a greater chance it becomes the party’s de facto position. It’s not clear at the moment whether that would be enough to compel Fetterman to leave the party, and even potentially caucus with the GOP. (My requests for clarification from Fetterman’s office were met with no response.)
But losing a lawmaker in a battleground state would deal a blow to Democrats, who already have to fight tooth and nail for razor-thin majorities in the Senate.
Regardless, Fetterman’s warning foreshadows a tectonic shift on the electoral left — and a positive one. Just a few years ago, it would be hard to imagine a Democrat threatening to leave the party because they felt the party was insufficiently devoted to giving Israel aid.
“Progressive except Palestine” has long been a well-established political norm in Democratic politics. Of course, it was always a contradiction. That Fetterman is glancing at the exit sign — and he might not be the only one — indicates the party is moving in the direction of resolving that contradiction.
Ultimately it will be best for the left if Fetterman, who seems to spend more time on Fox News by the day, is replaced by a progressive in Pennsylvania. The Democratic Party cannot re-establish moral authority unless, at a minimum, it looks to put an end to backing Israeli domination of Gaza and observing human rights with consistency. If Fetterman feels threatened by this incredibly low bar, good riddance.
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